Second, after losing her majority in the 2017 election, May was forced to enter into a so-called “confidence and supply agreement” with the 10 Members of the Democratic Unionist Party to govern. The DUP sees a united Ireland as an existential threat to its British Protestant identity. It is the largest party in Northern Ireland since the Good Friday agreement, although it represents only about 36% of the electorate. By opening a new chapter in Britain-EU relations, abandoning the terms of a treaty negotiated with these institutions, Mr Johnson is opening a new chapter in Britain-EU relations. It dissolves the pragmatic tradition of foreign policy in an acid bath of Europhobic paranoia. The Prime Minister justifies the rejection clauses of the law by the fact that Brussels threatens the “territorial integrity” of the United Kingdom. It raises the prospect of a “blockade” – the vengeful obstruction of agricultural goods flowing from the rest of Britain to Northern Ireland. It is too twisted by the unit to work even as a caricature of the facts. Both views have been recognized as legitimate. For the first time, the Irish government agreed, in a binding international agreement, that Northern Ireland was part of the United Kingdom.
 The Irish Constitution has also been amended to implicitly recognize Northern Ireland as part of the sovereign territory of the United Kingdom provided that the majority of the population of the island`s two jurisdictions has agreed to a unified Ireland. On the other hand, the language of the agreement reflects a change in the UK`s emphasis on the one-for-eu law to United Ireland.  The agreement therefore left open the question of future sovereignty over Northern Ireland.  In 2004, negotiations were held between the two DUP and Sinn Féin governments for an agreement to restore the institutions. The talks failed, but a document published by governments detailing the changes to the Belfast agreement was known as the “comprehensive agreement.” However, on 26 September 2005, it was announced that the Provisional Republican Army of Ireland had completely closed its arsenal of weapons and had “taken it out of service”. Nevertheless, many trade unionists, especially the DUP, remained skeptical. Among the loyalist paramilitaries, only the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) had decommissioned all weapons.  Further negotiations took place in October 2006 and resulted in the St Andrews Agreement. Former British Prime Minister John Major has argued that Brexit could lead to a hard border, with the European Union and the UK having to control their borders for customs purposes.  The Conservative Party research group believes that the UK may have the choice of not controlling its border if VAT is not imposed or controlling the border to apply possible VAT on goods imported after Brexit.   On October 10, Mr Johnson and Prime Minister Leo Varadkar held “very positive and very promising” talks, which led to the resumption of negotiations and a week later, on 17 October, Johnson and Jean-Claude Juncker announced that they had reached an agreement on a new withdrawal agreement (subject to ratification) replacing the backstop with a new protocol on Northern Ireland/Republic of Ireland.  At the heart of the agreement were issues of sovereignty, civil and cultural rights, arms dismantling, demilitarization, justice and police.
As far as Brexit is concerned, a “hard border” means a limited number of authorized (and physically controlled) crossing points, occupied by customs officers and police and supported by military personnel in times of tension.  Drivers of vehicles crossing the vehicle must report goods during transport, commercial carriers must submit bill of lading and prove that the goods meet the minimum standards of the area concerned. Tariffs (in the form of tariffs) may be due.  This was the position at the border between 1923 and the Single European Act of 1993.  (In this context, a “hard border” does not mean a fortified gr